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English Book Oxford Practice Grammar With Answers Free 13
I would like to begin with a very rough outline of what I plan to do in this lecture, and I will draw this outline by way of commenting on the words I have used to formulate my title(1). When I speak of the calculus-side of language, I have two things in mind: First, the rules of grammar books that tell us the correct forms of particular languages like 'I go', 'he goes', 'we go', etc. And, second, the logical rules implicit in language. The first kind of rules can be called 'syntactical' in a certain sense, because they regulate the formulation of sentences but do not guarantee that they will be meaningful. Their relation to a developed, written language can be taken as clear enough in the present context, although, of course, it has problems of its own. But how logical rules (and the possibility of stating them in a calculus) relate to language is a question of direct philosophical concern.
On closer investigation it turns out that Wittgenstein uses the expression 'kind of word' in a quite unusual way, closely parallel to his unusual use of the word 'grammar'. In accord with the old philosophical project that all conceptual properties should be made visible by a 'logical grammar', he demands that a complete specification of the 'logical form' of a given expression must be a specification of all the rules that govern its meaningful use. And it turns out that some of the 'rules' that have to be taken into account here are very different from traditional grammatical rules for natural languages as well as from logical rules for a language like Frege's concept script. And therefore they cannot simply be added to a grammar book. Later Wittgenstein does no longer use the expression 'logical form' for what he has in mind, but the expression 'grammar'. This is an unfortunate terminological choice, because it does not clearly indicate that he does not have in mind 'forms' in any sense, but something we do with the help of forms, something that cannot be captured by additional formal properties without again opening a domain of non-formal activity, and so on, ad infinitum.
I would like to stress Wittgenstein's point, that the case in question is not one of inferred entities. Although we have good reasons, supported by a considerable amount of experience, to claim that 'states of mind' can be severely disturbed by damaging the brain, our talk about the mind is not an imprecise way of talking about states of the brain. Ich habe das Gedicht im Kopf(14) is as a metaphorical expression as I know the poem by heart. To somebody with low skill in knowing her feelings or finding her way in conceptual puzzles it wouldn't be good advice to read books about the brain. What she has to be trained in is the practice of certain language games, and this training can take place during psychotherapy or in a philosophy class.
What exactly is to be gained in this way? I think that a careful pragmatic reflection on her own language will enable the investigator to relate particular conceptual frameworks customary in her scientific community to their pre-scientific roots. This means that she can relate them to their place in the history of her own culture: to folk-theories, to pre-scientific and scientific verbal and nonverbal practices, to the goals of such practices and to matters of evaluation. A discussion on this level will make possible a comparison of paradigms, an evaluation of their relative adequacy. These evaluative perspectives are communicated and criticized by the narratives in terms of which the identity of the investigator is constituted, i.e. the specific understandig of what it means to be a member of that particular culture. One such narrative is the story of mankind as enlightened and freed from superstition by means of western science. Normally, as members of that culture, we take very much of this for granted; we live in a paradigm without reflecting on its history or its place in the broader cultural context. The dangers of this unreflected use of the customary methodologies are (as we have seen) the distortion or even production of facts, with the result that the people we are trying to understand cannot recognize themselves in our descriptions. Misunderstanding and conflict follows, or a polite way of not being interested or of confirming the expectations of the investigator for no other reason than to avoid embarrasment.
When Taylor speaks of a 'language of perspicious contrast', I imagine that the description of one course of adaption, being characteristic of one particular culture, can be given with constant explicit reference to the investigator's own way of adaption. The investigator should not try to give a neutral (e.g. behavioristic) description of the adaptive process, but should explicitely compare the options of her own pragmatic system of 'language + action' to the options taken by the culture described. In the beginning, when the situations of small children will be compared, we will probably be able to see different options as answers to comparable or even identical needs. But it is clear that the longer the adaptive process has been under way, the more the needs themselves are deeply shaped and indeed created by the particularities of the culture considered. So the project of writing a 'contrastive cultural grammar' does not entail a functionalism of a Darwinian kind; cultural needs are not epiphenomena of biological needs. This is what makes the project so complicated. But I see no other way than that of writing comparative histories of how a biologically human being adapts to the 'language games' constituting his or her culture, if the description produced should preserve cultural identity and at the same time should be helpful on the way to understanding. The perspective of adaption can secure the common ground; the contrastive element can avoid the relativism of a disinterested 'anything goes'. 2ff7e9595c
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